Protocols:
Good afternoon, chieftains and members of the All Progressives Congress.
Good afternoon, chieftains and members of the All Progressives Congress.
Thanks
for inviting me as your Keynote Speaker at your Unveiling of Road Map Summit. I
do not know how you decided to take this high risk of inviting me to your
gathering, knowing full well that my zeal for candor can be generally
unsettling for some people of your class and occupation. Since you took the
risk, I have assumed the liberty to speak boldly even to your discomfort
especially considering that we live in a season of grim when our country is
greatly troubled. In perilous times like this, Truth is the absolute freedom. I
shall be spurred on by the counsel of George Orwell who in honor of truth
stated that “in a time of deceit telling the truth is a revolutionary act”. I
further assume that if you wanted someone with the skills of deceit, it would
not be me that you would have invited to your gathering. I therefore speak to
you today not as a politician
Context
and Fact are very important for me as both a scholar and practitioner of public
policy. Context is the missing link that helps us to connect the dots between
the visible and the hidden, and between the general and the specific. Fact or
Truth is the evidence that never takes flight nor ceases to exist even where
ignored for hundred years. So my speech in content and delivery will be hinged
on context and facts.For context, nothing serves a better guide than History.
The philosopher and novelist George Santayana famously said that “Those who do
not remember the past are condemned to repeat it”. Winston Churchill reinforced
Santayana by counselling, “Study history, study history. In history lies all
the secrets of statecraft.” I am compelled even further to tread the path of
history by our Centenary celebration and shall therefore use – Nigeria’s
political history as the context for this speech.
The
Political trajectory of Nigeria much like her entire history is checkered. In
the book, This House has Fallen, “Nigeria was the focus of great optimism as a
powerful emerging nation that would be a showcase for democratic government”.
Sadly the optimism was frittered over the years. I shall take the excerpts from
my University of Nigeria lecture in January in this regard. “If you traced the
political history of our country since independence in 1960 and you will better understand
the horror of our faulty political foundation. The first democratic government
ushered in an independent Nigeria but was cut short by a coup in 1966, a
counter coup in 1967, civil war from 1967 to 1970, military rule from 1970 at
the end of the war until another coup in 1975, another unsuccessful coup in
1976 the then Head of State was murdered, continued rule of the military until
1979 when a successful political transition ushered in the second republic but
it became a democratic process that did not leave a good mark on governance
until it was cut short in 1983 by yet another military coup but the discipline
instilling but draconian regime was itself sent packing in 1985 through yet
another coup.
The
succeeding regime ruled from 1985 until 1993. The hallmark of that regime was
procrastinated conduct of a transition to democracy. When it finally,
reluctantly started the transition process, it regrettably went ahead to thwart
the political rights of citizens who had elected a democratic president by
annulling the elections. The regime then responded to the public disturbance
and agitation that followed by installing an interim national government that
lasted only three months following yet another military intervention. The
regime that followed was more heinous than ever imagined possible by Nigerians
until 1998 when by divine providence, it was cut short. Never again! A new
season came but it was yet one with the military still in the saddle. That
regime however surprised skeptics when it successfully conducted a transition
that ushered in democratic governance in 1999 ending the long sixteen years of
militarization of governance that materially defines the psyche of government
in Nigeria. Cumulatively, from the time of our independence in 1960 to 1999- the military governed
for about twenty nine years while two flashes of pseudo democracy had a little
more than ten years in all. The common theme in our extremely unstable and
volatile political history was that each regime truncation mirrored a Russian
roulette with justification for regime change being the “necessity to rescue
the country from bad governance and corruption”.
Compared
to the mere six years of 1960-1966 and the even shorter four and a half years
of 1979-1983, the period of 1999 to date under democratic rule has been the
longest ever season of such political system in Nigeria. An objective
assessment of our democratic journey since the last fifteen years by May of
this year, will return the verdict that we are very much still in the nascent
zone of democracy as a political system which despite all its short comings
trump all other alternatives. Fifteen years has given us more of civilian rule
than democracy. The quality of the military/political elite and the depth of
undemocratic culture, practices and nuances have worked to produce very
disappointing results of governance to citizens. Yet, we must temper our
disappointment with the cautious sense of accomplishment that the subordination
of the military to the constitutional will of the people of Nigeria in the
1999, 2003, 2007, 2011 elections is perhaps the very tiny ray of light in what
had for more than five decades been a canvass of political tragedies.
“Today
is Independence Day. The first of October 1960 is a
date to which for two years, Nigeria has been eagerly looking forward. At last,
our great day has arrived, and Nigeria is now indeed an independent Sovereign
nation. Words cannot adequately express my joy and pride at being the Nigerian
citizen privileged to accept from Her Royal Highness these Constitutional
Instruments which are the symbols of Nigeria’s Independence. It is a unique
privilege which I shall remember forever, and it gives me strength and courage
as I dedicate my life to the service of our country. This is a wonderful day,
and it is all the more wonderful because we have awaited it with increasing
impatience, compelled to watch one country after another overtaking us on the
road when we had so nearly reached our goal. But now, we have acquired our
rightful status, and I feel sure that history will show that the building of
our nation proceeded at the wisest pace: it has been thorough, and Nigeria now
stands well-built upon firm foundations.”
These were the very gushing and giddy words of the first Prime Minister of Nigeria Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa on October 1, 1960.
These were the very gushing and giddy words of the first Prime Minister of Nigeria Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa on October 1, 1960.
According
to history books, prehistoric settlers lived in the territories that make up
the area today known as Nigeria as far back as 9000 BC. According to Wikipedia,
the period of the 15th century saw the emergence of several “early independent
kingdoms and states” that made up the British colonialized Nigeria – Benin
kingdom, Borgu kingdom, Fulani empire, Hausa kingdoms, Kanem Bornu empire,
Kwararafa kingdom, Ibibio Kingdom, Nri kingdom, Nupe kingdom, Oyo Kingdom,
Songhai empire and Warri Kingdom. Each Kingdom was composed of dominant ethnic
nationalities with unique language, custom, culture, tradition and religion. ”
These kingdoms independently traded among themselves and with the rest of the world especially Great Britain. It was however by 1886 through expanded trade with the territories under the charter of the Royal Niger Company that the mercantilist root of that influence became established. The handover of the company’s territories to the British Government followed in 1900 leading to the areas becoming organized as protectorates that helped extend the great British Empire of that era. In 1914, Nigeria was formed by combining the Northern and Southern Protectorates and the Colony of Lagos. For administrative purposes, it was divided into four units: the colony of Lagos, the Northern Provinces, the Eastern Provinces and the Western Provinces.”
These kingdoms independently traded among themselves and with the rest of the world especially Great Britain. It was however by 1886 through expanded trade with the territories under the charter of the Royal Niger Company that the mercantilist root of that influence became established. The handover of the company’s territories to the British Government followed in 1900 leading to the areas becoming organized as protectorates that helped extend the great British Empire of that era. In 1914, Nigeria was formed by combining the Northern and Southern Protectorates and the Colony of Lagos. For administrative purposes, it was divided into four units: the colony of Lagos, the Northern Provinces, the Eastern Provinces and the Western Provinces.”
One
could say that considering the way Nigeria emerged it was no more than an
artificial creation purely intended to serve the administrative convenience of
the reigning colonial power. In fact, no one better conveyed this perception of
Nigeria as artificiality than Chief Obafemi Awolowo who once described Nigeria
as a “mere geographical expression”. It is common for Nigerians across the
territory in moments of deep despair at the failings of this union of multiple
diversities to loudly rue the fact that a certain Lord Lugard and his fiancée –
Ms. Shaw -were the “creators” of Nigeria.
The
forty six years that followed the creation of Nigeria until her independence in 1960, saw varying degrees of
mutation in the relationship between Britain and the people of the territory.
The journey of governance commenced among the three dominant regions that made
up the Nigerian territory- namely the North, the West and the East. There were
understandably, deep mistrusts and suspicions among the ethnic groups with each
one seeking to advance their own cause and interest but their leaders managed
to forge a united front in the struggle to attain self-government. Their
successive negotiations and constitution building processes among them and
acting jointly, with colonial Britain- helped to achieve one of the most
anticipated political independence of a country in Africa. It culminated in the
successful agitation for self-government on a representative and ultimately federal
basis. The great Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe who was first the Governor General at
independence in 1960 and later ceremonial President when in 1963 we became a
Republic, succinctly captured that feat of the Nationalists in gaining
independence.
He
wrote in 1966 that, “We talked the Colonial Office into accepting our
challenges for the demerits and merits of our case for self-government. After
six constitutional conferences in 1953, 1954, 1957, 1958, 1959, and 1960, Great
Britain conceded to us the right to assert our politicalindependence as from October 1, 1960. None of the
Nigerian political parties ever adopted violent means to gain our political
freedom and we are happy to claim that not a drop of British or Nigerian blood
was shed in the course of our national struggle for our place in the sun. This
historical fact enabled me to state publicly in Nigeria that Her Majesty’s
Government has presented self-government to us on a platter of gold.”
Ladies
and gentlemen, the Great Zik of Africa who had profound influence in the
philosophy of life of late Chief Ben Nwazojie whose family has gathered us- had
great hopes that the successful struggle for independence would bequeath to us as a people; “our
place in the sun”. And yet, even though that entity created in 1914 will become
one Century years old in the next three months and had only a few days ago
became a relatively old country of fifty three years, its present state is
anything but sunny for majority of her citizens. For the fact is that whether
of the North, South, East or West of the present day Nigerian territory we know
that most Nigerians feel but a deep sense of disappointment at what has become
of the dream that our founding fathers dared to imagine was possible. That deep
internal threats to Nigeria’s territorial integrity remain part of core issues
of our polity in 2013 menacingly brings into sharp focus the wide gulf between
what it means to be a country as different from the higher order state of being
a nation.
Thus,
the phrase, “an independent Sovereign nation” that Sir Tafawa Balewa used in
describing Nigeria in his sweet poetry of a speech at independence remains under doubtful scrutiny and is
constantly under threat through various cycles of our political history. For if
there is one construct that remains the sticky point in our COUNTRY today, it
is whether indeed there is yet a NATION called Nigeria? Or put differently,
what happened to the COUNTRY that held so much promise on that morning of
October 1, 1960? After all, nothing makes the point of the failure to
successfully transition from country to nation than the fact that a only week
ago, the current government as a response to heightened socio-political
tensions in the land announced yet another National Dialogue that is “aimed at
realistically examining and genuinely resolving, longstanding impediments to
our cohesion and harmonious development as a truly united Nation”.
What
happened? How come a country which at independence was enthusiastically described by our
first leader as an independent sovereign nation is at fifty three years hosting
another “national conversation” to determine whether it is a worthy union for
everyone? Was it also not only a few years ago in 2006 that the administration
of President Olusegun Obasanjo had hosted as similar gathering? Who were the
people that discussed at that time and what did they resolve? What seems to be
the intractable issue that almost every administration –military and civilian
alike- have not managed to settle on whether we do indeed have a common destiny
or not? How come that despite the oft expressed “sincere intent” of each cycle
of ruling class (mark my choice of word as distinct from leadership); that each
hosted some sort of national dialogue, conference, conversation, forum etc.
(choose your pick), we are nowhere closer today to our destination of
nationhood. To imagine that our founding fathers mistakenly assumed that we
became a nation because the various nationalities worked collaboratively to
secure independence from a common external “foe” in 1960? How could it be that
this journey has thus far turned out agonizing for almost every one of us?
Even
following the most traumatic civil war that ended in 1970, the reemergence as
one country provided a context to rally the entire citizenry to build from
country to nation. Sadly, that was a missed opportunity. Is it therefore not
heartrending that the present state of our country nearly questions our status
as a Country? The pain of this truism is that we are in 2014 faced with exactly
the same types of ethnic issues that dotted our union in the 60s. How was it
that for over fifty three years, we never went beyond the amalgamation process
to becoming a Country and subsequently transforming into a Nation? The simple
answer to the lamentation and question is that elite failure happened to
Nigeria! A little more political history following the events of October 1,
1960 will help clarify my answer, simple as it may sound to those who thrive in
confounding complexity.
The
Elite of every successful society always form the nucleus of citizens with the
prerequisiteeducation,
ethics and capabilities operating in the political sphere and the public
service, providing the great ideas to build the nation and possessing the moral
rectitude to always act in the public interest. Access to quality Education
ensures that the elite group evolves constantly in every society. For as long
as nations have public education systems that function, the poorest of their
citizens is guaranteed to move up the ladder and someday emerge as a member of
the elite class through academic hard work, strenuous effort and ultimate
success at the higher levels of education.
For
every society that has succeeded therefore, it has taken such progressively
evolving elite class to identify the problems, forge the political systems and
processes, soundly articulate a rallying vision and use sound Policies and
effective and efficient prioritisation of investments (both public and private)
and requisite actions to over time build those strong institutions that outlive
the best of charismatic and transformative individuals. But it always does
start with quality leadership in the public space investing in a sustained
manner for lasting institutions to eventually emerge over time. Institutions do
not just happen. In the same manner, nations do not just happen out of multi-ethnic
countries.
The
globally adopted definition of a country is “ An independent State or country
must meet certain metrics all of which we did on that date:
• Has space or territory which has internationally recognized boundaries (boundary disputes are OK).
• Has people who live there on an ongoing basis.
• Has economic activity and an organized economy. A country regulates foreign and domestic trade and issues money.
• Has the power of social engineering, such as education.
• Has a transportation system for moving goods and people.
• Has a government which provides public services and police power.
• Has sovereignty. No other State should have power over the country’s territory.
• Has external recognition. A country has been “voted into the club” by other countries.
• Has space or territory which has internationally recognized boundaries (boundary disputes are OK).
• Has people who live there on an ongoing basis.
• Has economic activity and an organized economy. A country regulates foreign and domestic trade and issues money.
• Has the power of social engineering, such as education.
• Has a transportation system for moving goods and people.
• Has a government which provides public services and police power.
• Has sovereignty. No other State should have power over the country’s territory.
• Has external recognition. A country has been “voted into the club” by other countries.
Sadly,
Nigeria came to simply equate our statehood with nationhood when our founding
fathers used those terms almost interchangeably forgetting that a State is not
always necessarily a Nation. True, we had becoming a self-governing political
entity that negotiated a federal structure that was cognizant of the near
autonomy of each of its constituting group of people, but although an
independent; we were not and have never acted like a Nation!
Nations
are “culturally homogeneous groups of people, larger than a single tribe or
community, who shares a common language, institutions, religion, and historical
experience.” Each of our then three dominant groups though having their own internal
multiple sub-groups and diversities to resolve still saw themselves as
stand-alone nations. However, once it related to the territorial construct
known as Nigeria that it shares with the other two groups, no group
particularly acted as though the union had forged a “Nigerian nationhood” in
that broader sense. Hence, although we continued to be a Country, we however
did not attain to the definition of a nation which is “a tightly-knit group of
people which share a common culture”. The people of a nation generally share a
common national identity, and part of nation-building is the building of that
common identity. There were so many fundamental issues that our country which
is unlike France of Germany or even Egypt needed to resolve among its multiple divides
if it wished to make that profound jump from country to Nation in order to
attain the status of a nation-state.
The
Elite in those instances are required to lead the rest of the people in a
deliberative process of nation building- of forging that common identity that
all will defend. It is the visionary power of the elite to move a people of
diversity beyond the lowest common denominator of mere citizens of one country
into a nation of people that makes the United States to stand out as a model multi-cultural
society. Hence, even “with its multicultural society, the United States is also
referred to as a nation-state because of the shared American “culture.” Some
people may of course dismiss this crave for evolution from country into a
nation and say it does not matter. For those ones, I recall the wise words of
Carolyn Stephenson, a Professor of Political Science at the Univ. of
Hawaii-Manoa. Her words could have been written with our country in mind.
Professor Stephenson states that “ Nation-building matters to intractable
conflict because of the theory that a strong state is necessary in order to
provide security, that the building of an integrated national community is
important in the building of a state, and that there may be social and economic
prerequisites or co-requisites to the building of an integrated national
community” Simply put, if a people of diversity in a country truly wish to
succeed, they must forge a shared vision and values to realize their goal.
Our
failure to immediately use the early days of independence to commence the nation building
process is what I consider the biggest missed opportunity in the history of
Nigeria. It is the reason as Professor Stephenson asserts, we find ourselves in
“cyclical intractable conflict” So, it was not surprising that shortly after
the novelty of our political independence wore off the troubling underbelly of
our nascent democracy was revealed in the rather prescient reading of the
situation at that time by the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States
in one of its memorandum of 1966. It wrote “Africa’s most populous country
(population estimated at 48 million) is in the throes of a highly complex
internal crisis rooted in its artificial origin as a British dependency
containing over 250 diverse and often antagonistic tribal groups. The present
crisis started” with Nigerian independence in 1960, but the federated
parliament hid “serious internal strains. It has been in an acute stage since
last January when a military coup d’état destroyed the constitutional regime
bequeathed by the British and upset the underlying tribal and regional power
relationships. At stake now are the most fundamental questions which can be
raised about a country, beginning with whether it will survive as a single
viable entity. The situation is uncertain, with Nigeria,……is sliding downhill
faster and faster, with less and less chance unity and stability. Unless
present army leaders and contending tribal elements soon reach agreement on a
new basis for association and take some effective measures to halt a seriously
deteriorating security situation, there will be increasing internal turmoil,
possibly including civil war”.
The
failure to build a nation out of the country it was bequeathed did in fact
change the course of Nigeria’s history. It meant that our foundling political
elite could not speedily and “sincerely act” on the lofty ideals. The nation
building process could have benefitted from their nationalist campaign for independence when they had successfully united
against a common “enemy” and brought us our independence. Instead, our political
elite turned backward on the supposed “independent sovereign nation” and
resorted to lethal ethnicity in playing a brand of politics mostly devoid of
altruism. So much so was this prevalent character of the political elite across
board that they collectively failed to retrace their steps from the precipitous
slide. It was within this context of elite failure that the 1966 military coup
struck unleashing a canvass of governance instability that only abated in 1999
when the fourth Republic commenced with the successful democratic transition
currently running for the last fourteen years.
No
wonder, empirical evidence points to poor governance –especially corruption as
the biggest obstacle to the development of Nigeria. Understanding the cancerous
impact of understand how come a country with the potentials hardly available to
more than other one third nations of the world has remained at the bottom of
socio economic ladder as a laggard. Economic growth rate and ultimate
development of nations are determined by a number of factors that range from
sound policies, effective and efficient public and private investments and
strong institutions. Economic evidence throughout numerous researches proves
that one key variable that determines how fast nations outgrow others is the
speed of accumulation of human capital especially through science and
technology education.
No wonder for these same countries by 2011- South Korea of fifty million people
has a GDP of $1.12trillion, Brazil of one hundred and ninety six million has
$2.48 trillion; Malaysia of twenty eight million people has $278.6Billion;
Chile of seventeen million people has $248.59Billion; Singapore of five million
people has $318.7 Billion. Meanwhile with our population of 165 million people
we make boasts with a GDP of $235.92 Billion- completely way off the mark that
we could have produced if we made a better set of development choices.
More
dramatic is that this wide gap between these nations and Nigeria was not always
the case as some relevant data at the time of our independence reveal. In 1960 the GDP per capita of
all these countries were not starkly different from that of Nigeria- two were
below $200, two were a little above $300 and one was slightly above $500 while
that of Nigeria was just about $100. For citizens, these differentials are not
mere economic data. Meanwhile by 2011, the range for all five grew
exponentially with Singapore at nearly $50,000, South Korea at $22,000,
Malaysia at $10,000, Brazil at $13,000 and Chile at $14,000. Our own paltry
$1500 income per capita helps drive home the point that we have been left
behind many times over by every one of these other countries. How did these
nations steer and stir their people to achieve such outstanding economic
performance over the last five decades? There is hardly a basis for comparing
the larger population of our citizens clustered within the poverty bracket with
the majority citizens of Singapore fortunate to have upper middle income
standard of living.
Again,
how did this happen? What happened to Nigeria? Why did we get left behind? How
did these nations become productively wealthy over the last fifty three years
while Nigeria stagnated? How did majority of the citizens of these nations join the upper middle class while more
Nigerians retrogressed into poverty? There are usually as many different
answers to these sets of questions as there are respondents on the reasons we
fell terribly behind. Some say, it is our tropical geography, yet economic
research shows it has not prevented other countries like China, Australia,
Chile and Brazil for example with similar conditions from breaking through
economically. Others say it is size, but China and India are bigger, and yet in
the last thirty and twenty years have grown double digit and continue to out-
grow the rest of the world at this time of global economic crisis. Furthermore,
being small has not necessarily conferred any special advantages to so many
other countries with small population yet similarly battling with the
development process like we are.
Some
others say it is our culture but like a political economist posited “European
countries with different sorts of cultures, Protestant and Catholic alike that
have grown rich. Secondly, different countries within the same broad cultures
have performed very differently in economic terms, such as the two Koreas in
the post-war era. Moreover, individual countries have changed their economic
trajectories even though “their cultures didn’t miraculously change.” How about
those who plead our multiethnic nationalities as the constraint but fail to see
that the United States ofAmerica happens to be one nation with even
more disparate ethnic nationalities than Nigeria and yet it leads the global
economy! As for those who say it is the adverse impact of colonialism, were
Singapore, Malaysia and even parts of China like Hong Kong not similarly
conquered and dominated by colonialists?
That
Nigeria is a paradox of the kind of wealth that breeds penury is as widely
known as the fact that the world considers us a poster nation for poor
governance wealth from natural resources. The trend of Nigeria’s population in
poverty since 1980 to 2010 for example suggests that the more we earned from
oil, the larger the population of poor citizens : 17.1 million 1980,
34.5million in 1985, 39.2million in 1992, 67.1million in 1996, 68.7million in
2004 and 112.47 million in 2010! This sadly means that you are children of a
nation blessed with abundance of ironies.
Resource wealth has tragically reduced your nation- my nation- to a mere parable of prodigality. Nothing undignifies nations and their citizens like self-inflicted failure.
Resource wealth has tragically reduced your nation- my nation- to a mere parable of prodigality. Nothing undignifies nations and their citizens like self-inflicted failure.
Our
abundance of oil, people and geography should have worked favorably and placed
us on the top echelons of the global economic ladder by now. After all, basic
economic evidence shows that abundance of natural resources can by itself
increase the income levels of citizens even if it does not increase their
productivity. For example, as Professor Collier a renowned economist who has
focused on the sector stated in a recent academic work countries that have
enormously valuable natural resources are likely to have high living standards
on a sustainable basis by simply replacing some of the extracted resources with
financial assets held abroad.
Disappointedly, even that choice eluded our governing class who through the
decades has spent more time quarreling over their share of the oil “national
cake” than they have spent thinking of how to make it benefit the entire
populace.
The
coup of 1966 anchored its justification on the failure of the political class
to provide good governance. In the exact word of the leader of the coup; “Our
enemies are the political profiteers, the swindlers, the men in high and low
places that seek bribes and demand 10 percent; those that seek to keep the
country divided permanently so that they can remain in office as ministers or
VIPs at least, the tribalists, the nepotists, those that make the country look
big for nothing before international circles, those that have corrupted our
society and put the Nigerian political calendar back by their words and deeds.”
In
effect, what we today confront as systemic corruption only metamorphosed to
gigantic proportion through the over nearly fifty decades of the speech given
to justify the first truncation of the will of the people for democratic
governance. As a matter of fact, anyone who will find and read all the
justification statements for coups and the inauguration statements for
democratically elected governments in our fifty three years of being a country
will assume that each group merely modified the speech of their predecessors.
Perhaps the only differences were the locations of the punctuation marks, the
commas, the semi colons and the full stops in each statement that followed this
excerpt from the statement of 1966.
The
substance is the same – indignation at the grand corruption that has
persistently undermined the effectiveness of governance since our political
independence. The instructive feature of the dramatis personae that made up the
military and political elite class at various times is their uncanny national spread and the unity of purpose they managed
and have continued to manage to forge among them in the ignoble business of
committing grand larceny against the country. Ethnicity was hardly and still is
not a constraining factor once the political elite of Nigeria- whether from the
North, South, East and West gather at the altar of corruption to execute their
unifying purpose of “transactions”. They are united in “extracting” from
Nigeria because it does appear in the minds that the country can never move
beyond a mere artificial political construct.
Of all
the obstacles to our greatness, there were two on which citizens irrespective
of their affiliations seemed to have forged a consensus as the priority agenda
issues for their governments to mobilize every sector, level and individual; to
unite, fight and defeat. The two issues are systemic corruption and pernicious
poverty. However, in the last one year with escalations in insecurity wherein
we are now faced with more immediate life threatening scourge of terrorism
within our land those two priorities are overtaken in ranking. That we now
experience regular terrorist killing of the innocent in our land has pushed the
twin issues of poverty and corruption to second and third priorities of
citizens. These recent killings have joined with the civil war of the 60s to
pollute Nigeria with fresh blood of our children- our daughters and sons, the
blood of our women, the blood of our men, the blood of our young and the blood
of our old.
Citizens
who had assumed that the worst possible was the many decades of being trapped
in intergenerational poverty in an ironically “oil wealthy” are now exposed to
deadlier acts of terrorism. Terrorists became emboldened by the absence of our
political class across the entire spectrum of political leadership who decided
to “play their normal politics” with the blood of the poor. The blood soaked
land is convulsing. Do we not hear the cries especially of the young children
and women killed for a cause they know nothing about? I read the fear laden
articles and tweets of many young Nigerians asking “when this carnage will
end?” I hear them lash out angrily that it is the cumulative failure of older
generations of us all in this gathering that is bequeathing to them- a country
so broken and mortally bruised that again we need divine intervention to heal
the land and people.
Is it
therefore not unconscionable that in the over nearly three years of rising
trend of terrorist attacks against whole communities in the central and north
eastern states of Nigeria where our kith and kin have regularly been
slaughtered in cold blood; the milk of empathy has not yet flowed from our
Elders in the Land in the entire political spectrum to suspend “transactional
politicking” and build a united front against this newest common enemy? Is it
not unconscionable that despite the massive public resources committed to
security spending, the government has failed to inspire confidence in
communities and the large public that feel excluded from the more secured lives
of the political elite?
In
shock, Nigerians have wondered whether our political class which carries on
with politicking to “capture or retain power” is comfortable to govern dead
communities. Is it not time for all of our political leaders to pay that utmost
sacrifice of leadership- lay down their personal gain for the good of the
people they wish to lead. Leadership is not the office, the title, the
authority, the mansion one occupies. Leadership is the sacrifice offered that others
may thrive. There are three grades of leadership- Transactional,
Transformational and Transcendental leadership. What our nation asks all of you
irrespective of the acronyms that thread together to make you a political party
in this land today, is that you must immediately “transcend” and mobilize all
of Nigerians against the immediate common enemies killing our own within our
territory.
Your
act of transcendental leadership across your various divides in Nigerian
politics of today, will not only end this fatal insecurity in our country, but
will actually start the process of healing of land and the people. The healing
of our land and people will in turn begin the process of rebuilding the eroded
social capital that we must have for nation building process. John Jacob
Gardener a professor of Leadership defines Transcendental Leadership as
follows: “A new metaphor, transcendent leadership, answers a planetary call for
a governance process which is more inclusive, more trusting, more sharing of
information, more meaningfully involving associates or constituents, more
collective decision making through dialogue and group consent processes, more
nurturance and celebration of creative and divergent thinking and a willingness
to serve the will of the collective consciousness as determined by the group –
in essence, a leadership of service above self” Nothing in any political party
manifesto in our present Nigeria realizes how fundamental it is to first
accomplish this at this time in country.
Economic
research has proven that there can be no development without peace. The
underperformance of our country as a result of the volatility of regime changes
and truncation of democracy direly cost us the opportunity to build vibrant
institutions, to pursue on a sustained basis sound macroeconomic, microeconomic
and structural policies and finally to implement quality, effective and
efficient public and private investment like other nations. Every country is
fundamentally composed of three sectors- the public sector or government, the
private sector or business and civil society. Worse than political instability
however is the growing sense of our current reality that we are “at war”. In a
season of war, ladies and gentlemen, no road map for economic development is
viable- no matter how sound its articulation. I advise that 2014 offersall
political actors in Nigeria, the opportunity to immediately unite and
decisively take our country back from terrorists. This is my most important
economic message for your gathering. As the leading opposition party in the
country, your leadership must be visible in demonstrating a commitment to
reaching out to the Government to commence a united fight to preserve the lives
of all citizens.
Of all
the obstacles to our greatness, there were two on which citizens irrespective
of their affiliations seemed to have forged a consensus as the priority agenda
issues for their governments to mobilize every sector, level and individual; to
unite, fight and defeat. The two issues are systemic corruption and pernicious
poverty. However, in the last one year with escalations in insecurity wherein
we are now faced with more immediate life threatening scourge of terrorism
within our land those two priorities are overtaken in ranking. That we now
experience regular terrorist killing of the innocent in our land has pushed the
twin issues of poverty and corruption to second and third priorities of
citizens. These recent killings have joined with the civil war of the 60s to
pollute Nigeria with fresh blood of our children- our daughters and sons, the
blood of our women, the blood of our men, the blood of our young and the blood
of our old.
Citizens
who had assumed that the worst possible was the many decades of being trapped
in intergenerational poverty in an ironically “oil wealthy” are now exposed to
deadlier acts of terrorism. Terrorists became emboldened by the absence of our
political class across the entire spectrum of political leadership who decided
to “play their normal politics” with the blood of the poor. The blood soaked
land is convulsing. Do we not hear the cries especially of the young children
and women killed for a cause they know nothing about? I read the fear laden articles
and tweets of many young Nigerians asking “when this carnage will end?” I hear
them lash out angrily that it is the cumulative failure of older generations of
us all in this gathering that is bequeathing to them- a country so broken and
mortally bruised that again we need divine intervention to heal the land and
people.
Is it
therefore not unconscionable that in the over nearly three years of rising
trend of terrorist attacks against whole communities in the central and north
eastern states of Nigeria where our kith and kin have regularly been
slaughtered in cold blood; the milk of empathy has not yet flowed from our
Elders in the Land in the entire political spectrum to suspend “transactional
politicking” and build a united front against this newest common enemy? Is it
not unconscionable that despite the massive public resources committed to
security spending, the government has failed to inspire confidence in
communities and the large public that feel excluded from the more secured lives
of the political elite? In shock, Nigerians have wondered whether our political
class which carries on with politicking to “capture or retain power” is
comfortable to govern dead communities. Is it not time for all of our political
leaders to pay that utmost sacrifice of leadership- lay down their personal
gain for the good of the people they wish to lead. Leadership is not the
office, the title, the authority, the mansion one occupies. Leadership is the
sacrifice offered that others may thrive. There are three grades of leadership-
Transactional, Transformational and Transcendental leadership. What our nation
asks all of you irrespective of the acronyms that thread together to make you a
political party in this land today, is that you must immediately “transcend”
and mobilize all of Nigerians against the immediate common enemies killing our
own within our territory.
Your
act of transcendental leadership across your various divides in Nigerian
politics of today, will not only end this fatal insecurity in our country, but
will actually start the process of healing of land and the people. The healing
of our land and people will in turn begin the process of rebuilding the eroded
social capital that we must have for nation building process. John Jacob
Gardener a professor of Leadership defines Transcendental Leadership as
follows: “A new metaphor, transcendent leadership, answers a planetary call for
a governance process which is more inclusive, more trusting, more sharing of
information, more meaningfully involving associates or constituents, more
collective decision making through dialogue and group consent processes, more
nurturance and celebration of creative and divergent thinking and a willingness
to serve the will of the collective consciousness as determined by the group –
in essence, a leadership of service above self” Nothing in any political party
manifesto in our present Nigeria realizes how fundamental it is to first
accomplish this at this time in country.
Economic
research has proven that there can be no development without peace. The
underperformance of our country as a result of the volatility of regime changes
and truncation of democracy direly cost us the opportunity to build vibrant
institutions, to pursue on a sustained basis sound macroeconomic, microeconomic
and structural policies and finally to implement quality, effective and
efficient public and private investment like other nations. Worse than
political instability however is the growing sense of our current reality that
we are “at war”. In a season of war, ladies and gentlemen, no road map for
economic development is viable- no matter how sound its articulation. I advise that
2014 offers all political actors in Nigeria, the
opportunity to immediately unite and decisively take our country back from
terrorists. This is my most important economic message for your gathering. As
the leading opposition party in the country, your leadership must be visible in
demonstrating a commitment to reaching out to the Government to commence a
united fight to preserve the lives of all citizens.
On the
twin enemies of corruption and poverty, those among us who still need proof to
believe that indeed the two severest maladies from which Nigeria must heal are
poverty and poor governance must not have seen the 2013 Global Corruption
Barometer 2013. Poverty and corruption are two things that rob Nigerians of
their dignity; Poverty deprives one of the basic services they need in order to
preserve their self-dignity. Poor governance on the other hand is what poverty
helps breed.
Thus,
academic research shows that countries which have tended to poor governance end
delivering not delivering the basic social services that citizens need in order
to lift themselves out of poverty and where they do at all, it is too little
and too poor a quality to make a difference. It is the capacity to constantly
deliver equality of opportunities for better quality of life to all citizens
that distinguishes one government from another. Throughout our fifty three
years of history following our independence in 1960, we sadly have not recorded
one stellar record of performance in this regard by any government. Today, our
69% poor in the land which in real number is over 100 million of citizens
trapped in poverty is the key scorecard of our five decades of failure.
When
asked by citizens why they think they have been constantly failed by their
governments, they mostly respond that the failure of the state to effectively
function is corruption. This much they said to Transparency International which
invests heavily in surveys around the world. The result of the most recent survey,
tagged ‘Global Corruption Barometer 2013′, (the biggest-ever public opinion
survey on corruption) was recently released all over the world. It showed that
75 per cent of Nigerians say the government’s effort at fighting corruption is
ineffective. Only 14 per cent of those surveyed say the government’s effort is
achieving results. Also, 94 per cent of Nigerians think corruption is a problem
with 78 per cent saying it is a serious problem.
Over
the past 12 months, the report says, 81 per cent of Nigerians say they have
given a bribe to the police, 30 per cent of those surveyed say they have paid a
bribe for education services, 29 per cent have given a bribe to the registry
and permit services, same for utilities, and 24 per cent have given a bribe to
the judiciary. The survey shows that 22 per cent of Nigerians
have paid a bribe to tax revenue, 17 per cent to land services and 9 per cent
has paid a bribe for medical and health services. Transparency International
had last year rated Nigeria as the 35th most corrupt country in the world.
Whether we choose to accept it or not, we are a country engulfed in systemic
and endemic corruption with its attendant cancerous – wasting away, corrosive
effect- on what is legendarily called our “huge potentials”.
Take
the natural resources sector to which we have willingly and disastrously
mortgaged our lives to as a result of failure of leadership to embrace hard
work, effort and productivity as national values. Nigeria is Africa’s largest
oil exporter, and the world’s 10th largest oil producer, accounting for more
than 2.2 million barrels a day in 2011. Oil revenues totaled $50.3 billion in
2011 and generated more than 70 percent of government revenues. However, for a
sector that sadly determines our rise and fall in the last fifty three years,
Nigeria’s Performance on the Resource Governance Index (carried out by the
global NGO- Revenue Watch Institute of the Open Society Foundations) – Nigeria
received a “weak” score of 42, ranking 40th out of 58 countries.
We
stood out among the 80% of countries which fail to achieve good governance in
their extractive sectors. The insalubrious performance of this dominant revenue
source seems to be one we have decided to wear elegantly with a mindset that
refuses to embrace the kind of fundamental change that will set the nation free.
A read of the now famous in the breach, PIB shows that we have refused to
surrender and subordinate the huge power of discretion exercised by the President
in all matters concerning oil since the last many decades. Surely, for what we
know of the huge benefits of transparency and competition it does indeed stir
the minds of those that have no interest in oil blocks but who care for the
maximization of value for the aggregate social good of Nigeria that we walk the
provisions of our NEITI law.
The
pervasive hold over our economy by oil shows up in everything. In our Sovereign
credit rating recently, poor governance, low per capita Gross Domestic Product
(GDP) and reserve cover were identified as Nigeria’s biggest challenge to
joining other Emerging Markets (EMs) according to Richard Fox of
Fitch Ratings. According to him, these areas represent Nigeria’s biggest
challenge to improving its rating, as highlighted in Fitch’s previous research.
Of the three, reserve cover is the most susceptible to rapid improvement,
particularly at current high oil prices. This is because although at that time
of his comment, Nigeria’s reserves had risen by around $2 billion they are not
rising as fast as in the majority of big oil exporters”. Comparisons always
help convey these kinds of information better.
During
the period, 2009 to 2011 Algeria expanded her savings from current oil boom by
at least 30% to build up its reserve and invest in critical infrastructure. The
new comer Angola nearly doubled its reserve while simultaneously implementing a
huge public investment program to build diversity of critical infrastructure.
Sadly, whether it is building up reserves/saving or in building critical
infrastructure and human capital our own trend is in the reverse. For even
though crude price rose or has held steady at different time, the quality of
governance continues to hobble our capacity to strike out onto the path of
success.
WHAT
PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE THEN?
In what and whom do I place my confidence that a New Nigeria will emerge? What is it that engenders my confidence that our five decades of failure is not sustainable: First is the rising crescendo of dissatisfaction with the concept of Failure by the over 50% percent of our population that are young. That daily the young people of Nigeria- educated or not are anxious to path ways with Failure is a source of optimism.
In what and whom do I place my confidence that a New Nigeria will emerge? What is it that engenders my confidence that our five decades of failure is not sustainable: First is the rising crescendo of dissatisfaction with the concept of Failure by the over 50% percent of our population that are young. That daily the young people of Nigeria- educated or not are anxious to path ways with Failure is a source of optimism.
Today,
more than 40% of our young people may be unemployed and requiring a major
intervention that matches skills with economic structural change but they represent
strength for any leadership that “transcends” in the way it allocates public
resources to priorities. They insist by the words and action that they know we
can do better than we have done since ourindependence.
The Women who constituting about 50% of our population are by the records of
present accomplishment, the most visible secret weapons of our economic, social
and political development. The entrepreneurial and “can do” spirit of just
these two groups- the spirit that seeks to compete even with the rest in the
world by first conquering the uncertain and disabling context in which it
operates is emerging as the counter cultural shock to an elite class that
entrenched contemptible wealth based on ignoble ease as a national creed.
The
return of the values of hard work and the reward of creativity and innovation
are the New Normal that Citizens want to engage their governments on. Citizens
question the things and values we reward. They question the perverse incentive
that rewards abhorrent behaviour while punishing
what is right. They are perplexed when they watch the elite class destroy the
potency of sanctions regime in every just society by acts that fail to demand
the cost of bad behaviour from big offenders . Citizens wish to unleash their
talents and be facilitated by a capable and service oriented public service to
identify new sources of growth forcing the diversification rhetoric into
reality finally. We must think through how to expand the revenue base of the
country and manage it efficiently. Nigeria’s revenue cannot cater for the size
of the population that we have and we seek to exploit other creative and
natural endowments of nature which primarily is our huge population of people
with diverse capabilities.
The
generation of human capital through education-
access to quality basic, tertiary education expanded and well costed with
access for the poor and entrepreneurship education relevant to the needs of the
economy is priority agenda for a country that has grown over more then a decade
now without significant structural change. The structural transformation that
focuses on growing indigenous enterprise and deliberatively removing obstacles
on the path to economic growth for the women and the young with ideas is what a
results oriented government owes Citizens. According to data from the World
Bank, it is clear that 74% of our revenue comes from non-oil (mainly
agricultural exports) as at 1970. We have sadly reversed that suffering the
pernicious effect of oil, as currently oil account for 74% of gross national
revenue reversing the trend. While Nigeria exported 502 Metric tons of
groundnut in 1961 which was 42% of global production as at that time, we
currently export almost nothing with the pyramids now invented in stories told
to our children.
Citizens
are redefining what true attributes of leadership are by demanding that those
who shall lead must be all possessing of – competency, character, competency
and capacity. Neither of the three can substitute for the other, The political
and technocratic class have no choice but to commit to redeeming our public
institutions and the human resources that run them. The redemption starts with a true commitment to
addressing today’s egregious cost of s the mantra of today’s citizens.
Citizens
want to see real commitment to addressing the egregious cost of governance that
constitutes massive opportunity cost for equitable economic development that
benefits the larger number of citizens currently excluded from the benefits of
the growth of the last fourteen years of return to democracy. Citizens
associate our meagre revenue which pales when compared to our prospective peers
known as MINT, with wastes, gross inefficiency and corruption. Currently, we
have N1.7tn paid out of salaries, N721bn for debt servicing and other recurrent
items which puts our capital expenditure around N1.1tn. How then do we expand
the economy, build the modern infrastructure if for every N100 that we spend in
actual terms, over N80 goes to recurrent items. Those are the issues which to
engage leadership on resolving.
Citizens
can now better link public resources and results in their outcry for
value-for-money and in the exercise of their right to demand for
accountability. They know that our power problems all these years are not
merely technical- it is governance failure. Our transportation problem are not
technical, it was governance failure. Our poor production and productivity in
agriculture is not merely technical, it is governance failure. They know that
our health and education and over all underperformance in
humans development score are not merely technical, it is due to governance
failure.
It cost
$148bn dollars in todays value to rebuild Europe
after the World War II. This is less than half of the funds that was attributed
to have been stolen from Nigeria since independence. The expense of such funds
transformed the manufacturing, service industry and competitive factors of
Europe. It cost $2bn ($349bn in todays value) to rebuild Japan after the
nuclear attack. By conservative estimate, our country has earned more than
$600billion in the last five decades and yet can only boast of a United Nations
Human Development Index score of .4 out of 1 proximate to that of Chad and
maternal mortality rate similar to that of Afghanistan! Nothing reveals the
depth of our failures than such performance indicators considering the vastly
greater possibilities that we have been bestowed.
Above
all, and finally, Citizens now seek to fully participation and make demands for
democratic accountability- they are not afraid to scrutinise all public
institutions and to demand better results of governance. The unwillingness of
any group of political elite to understand this emerging power of the Office of
the Citizen can only be a loss to the former and
yet another missed opportunity added to our canvass of political tragedies…….
But God forbid!
Obiageli
(Oby) Ezekwesili
Keynote Speaker
APC SUMMIT, Abuja- March 6th 2014
Keynote Speaker
APC SUMMIT, Abuja- March 6th 2014
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